thesis on peace building

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Thesis on peace building

The Be Water protests were related to a proposed extradition law, they were also connected to pro-democracy movements in Hong Kong. In the protests, a lot of the slogans referred to a Hong Kong identity separate from a Chinese identity. The two identities seemed to be seen as two contrasting identities and dichotomy, Fieldwork for data collection took place in May and June The concept of civil society in Africa attracts large criticisms that hold the ostensible notion that it is purely western and incompatible with African societies.

Efforts and activities of sections within civil society have been brandished illegitimate owing to the vast track of foreign funding they receive to commence the said activities. This raises questions when one looks at the dissenting This study seeks to explore an understanding into the multi-actor resilient approach that was adapted as a response to the conflict-induced displacement situation that occurred in the West-Guji and Gedeo Zones of Ethiopia The study draws on semi-structured interviews, observations and some reports and proposals from aid workers, displaced people or returnees, government officials Abstract Structural violence remains largely unaddressed and its invisibility means that it becomes naturalised in many societies.

This research uses a conceptualisation of structural violence and that of liberal peace to show that leaders in historical marginalised societies whose power is built upon rhetoric to end historical inequalities can be useful allies to peace practitioners in addressing A Green Peace. Positive peace has not yet been achieved worldwide. If we want to see positive peace, structural ecological violence must be addressed.

This thesis takes the premise that the natural environment is the missing key to peace. I argue that taking an environmental perspective to current peace In this thesis, I am critically assessing contemporary environmental discourse at the governmental level in China.

To answer this question, I have collected How does imagery matter for activists dissemination of their ideas and political mobilization? A case study of the exposure of the fur industry in Norway. Imagery can be a powerful tool to raise awareness in a society, with research showing that imagery can realize both social and political change.

Media plays an important role by setting the agenda of what is important, and the media can therefore have a significant role for activists when disseminating their images. This study aims to determine and analyse the effect imagery can have on a society The two juvenile This thesis is focused on pipeline resistance in the United States, specifically drawing from the Dakota Access Pipeline resistance and the current resistance against Line 3 in Minnesota. Indigenous peoples from all over the globe became engaged in resisting the Dakota Access Pipeline DAPL and there were predictions made about the future in terms of how meaningful this resistance was.

The resistance The integration process of female refugees in Sao Paulo: the role of non-governmental organizations. International migrations are movements of people leaving and arriving between countries and they can be classified as voluntary or forced. Recent international conflicts have triggered a new forced migration wave, resulting in the largest number of refugees since World War II, leaving millions of displaced people.

Brazil has become an alternative to asylum seekers quickly. Abstract : Even the most obvious actions require justification. The need for justification of peacebuilding involvements is always present. This thesis argues that justification is particularly needed when there is a prevalent power asymmetry between an external state and a host community.

Abstract : This study expands the enquiry of external efforts to build peace after an ethnic war by investigating the effects these efforts may have on societal security and reconciliation among groups in a host society. To achieve this, a theoretical framework, combining theories on the character of external peacebuilding, and theories on societal security and reconciliation, was devised and applied to the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Abstract : Post-war countries are among the most difficult policy arenas for international and domestic actors. The challenge is not only to stop violence and prevent violence from rekindling, but moreover to help countries reset their internal relations on a peaceful path. The indirect, long-term effects of wars further exaggerate this challenge. Abstract : This dissertation examines possibilities and challenges faced by international interveners in a post-socialist and violently divided area.

The study object is the Swedish foundation Kvinna till Kvinna, formed in during the Bosnian war, originating from the peace movement and supported by the Swedish government aid agency Sida.


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How to write history paper The concept of civil society in Africa attracts large criticisms that hold the ostensible notion that it is purely western and incompatible with African societies. It is not always supposed Abstract : This thesis is aimed at contributing to the lack of knowledge in the field of peacebuilding from below, notably regarding the mechanisms to be used in order to overcome the painful past between conflicting parties. Making Thesis on peace building Visible. To answer this question, I have collected
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Thesis on peace building The main reason of discrimination and unsuccessful integration is insufficient language skills. This thesis seeks to find out causal factors radicalising the young population in south-eastern Turkey, through semi-structured interviews and non-participant observation. As the UN is utilizing the PoC policy in the majority of their ongoing peace operations, there is bound to be different perspectives and perceptions thesis on peace building the policy from civilians in the host Thesis on peace building study explored the Old Firm fan rivalry as a case study because it is the oldest fan rivalry in football history and is regarded as one of the most intense, fiercely contested and violent cheap dissertation hypothesis writer website uk in football. The goal itself aims to achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls by providing them with access to education, health care, decent work, representation in political and The Be Water protests were related to a proposed extradition law, they were also connected to pro-democracy movements in Hong Kong.
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Marathon essay The study object is the Swedish foundation Kvinna till Kvinna, formed in during the Bosnian war, originating from the peace movement and supported by the Swedish government aid agency Sida. JavaScript is disabled for your browser. The key objectives are to shed light on what This study aims to better understand why the Guji and Gedeo thesis on peace building groups got into violent conflict again inafter 20 years of relative stability. This research uses a conceptualisation of structural violence and that of liberal peace to show that leaders in historical marginalised societies whose power is built upon rhetoric to end historical inequalities can be useful allies to peace practitioners in addressing

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Diop believed that the political struggle for African independence would not succeed without acknowledging the civilizing role of the African, dating from ancient Egypt. In , upon his return to Senegal, he continued what would be a lifelong political struggle. Diop would in the course of over 25 years found three political parties that formed the major opposition in Senegal. Diop was subsequently arrested and thrown in jail where he nearly died.

The party was shortly thereafter banned for opposing Senghor's efforts to consolidate power in his own hands. Black Africa: the economic and cultural basis for a federated state is the book that best expresses Diop's political aims and objectives. In it he argues that only a united and federated African state will be able to overcome underdevelopment. He proposed that a single African language be used across the continent for official, educational, and cultural purposes.

Diop argues for the need to build a capable continental army, able to defend the continent and its people and proposes a plan for the development of Africa's raw materials and industrialization. All these factors combined, based on the formation of a federated and unified Africa, culturally and otherwise, are surmised to be the only way for Africa to become the power in the world that she should rightfully be.

After the B. The party, though not officially recognized, continued strong political activity along the same lines as the BMS. Under significant political pressure president Senghor attempted to appease Diop by offering him and his supporters a certain numbers of government positions.

Diop strongly refused to enter into any negotiations until two conditions were met. First, that all political prisoners be released, and, secondly, that discussions be opened on government ideas and programs, not on the distribution of government posts. In protest at the refusal of the Senghor administration to release political prisoners, Diop remained largely absent from the political scene from to After , Diop went back to Senegal and continued his research and political career. He had said, "In practice it is possible to determine directly the skin color and, hence, the ethnic affiliations of the ancient Egyptians by microscopic analysis in the laboratory; I doubt if the sagacity of the researchers who have studied the question has overlooked the possibility.

Diop published his technique and methodology for a melanin dosage test in the Bulletin of Institut Fondamental d'Afrique Noire. Some critics have argued that Diop's melanin dosage test technique lacks sufficient evidence. They contend the test is inappropriate to apply to ancient Egyptian mummies, due to the effects of embalming and deterioration over time. This symposium generated a lively debate about, but no consensus on, Diop's theories. It gained a much wider audience for his work. He asserted that archaeological and anthropological evidence supported his view that Pharaohs were of Negroid origin.

Some scholars draw heavily from Diop's groundbreaking work, [4] while others in the Western academic world do not accept his theories. Diop argued above all that European archaeologists before and after the decolonization had understated and continued to understate the extent and possibility of Black civilizations. The Swiss archaeologist Charles Bonnet's discoveries at the site of Kerma shed some light on the theories of Diop. They show close cultural links between Nubia and Ancient Egypt, though the relationship had been acknowledged for years.

Mainstream Egyptologists such as F. Yurco note that among peoples outside Egypt, the Nubians were closest ethnically to the Egyptians, shared the same culture in the predynastic period, and used the same pharaonoic political structure. Diop argued that there was a shared cultural continuity across African peoples that was more important than the varied development of different ethnic groups shown by differences among languages and cultures over time.

Diop supported his arguments with references to ancient authors such as Herodotus and Strabo. For example, when Herodotus wished to argue that the Colchian people were related to the Egyptians, he said that the Colchians were "black, with curly hair" [41] Diop used statements by these writers to illustrate his theory that the ancient Egyptians had the same physical traits as modern black Africans skin colour, hair type.

His interpretation of anthropological data such as the role of matriarchy and archeological data led him to conclude that Egyptian culture was a Black African culture. In linguistics, he believed in particular that the Wolof language of contemporary West Africa is related to ancient Egyptian. Diop's early condemnation of European bias in his work Nations Negres et Culture, [42] and in Evolution of the Negro World [43] has been supported by some later scholarship.

Diop's view that the scholarship of the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century was based on a racist view of Africans was regarded as controversial when he wrote in the s through to the early s, the field of African scholarship still being influenced by Carleton S. Coon and others. Coon used racial rankings of inferiority and superiority, defined "true Blacks" as only those of cultures south of the Sahara, and grouped some Africans with advanced cultures with Caucasian clusters.

Similarly, the Dynastic Race Theory of Egypt asserted that a mass migration of Caucasoid peoples was needed to create the Egyptian kingships, as slower-witted Negro tribes were incapable. Genetic studies have disproved these notions. It found that some European researchers had earlier tried to make Africans seem a special case, somehow different from the rest of the world's population flow and mix.

This seemed to apply in matters both of evolution and gene pool makeup. The reviewers found that some researchers seemed to have shifted their categories and methods to maintain this "special case" outlook. Diop consistently held that Africans could not be pigeonholed into a rigid type that existed somewhere south of the Sahara, but they varied widely in skin color, facial shape, hair type, height, and a number of additional factors, just like other human populations.

But it is only the most gratuitous theory that considers the Dinka, the Nouer and the Masai, among others, to be Caucasoids. What if an African ethnologist were to persist in recognizing as white-only the blond, blue-eyed Scandinavians, and systematically refused membership to the remaining Europeans, and Mediterraneans in particular—the French, Italians, Greek, Spanish, and Portuguese? Just as the inhabitants of Scandinavia and the Mediterranean countries must be considered as two extreme poles of the same anthropological reality, so should the Negroes of East and West Africa be considered as the two extremes in the reality of the Negro world.

To say that a Shillouk, a Dinka, or a Nouer is a Caucasoid is for an African as devoid of sense and scientific interest as would be, to a European, an attitude that maintained that a Greek or a Latin were not of the same race. He said that their cultural, genetic and material links could not be defined away or separated into a regrouped set of racial clusters. At the same time, the statistical net is cast much more narrowly in the case of 'blacks', carefully defining them as an extreme type south of the Sahara and excluding related populations like Somalians, Nubians and Ethiopians, [46] as well as the ancient Badarians, a key indigenous group.

It is held by Keita et al. For example, ancient Egyptian matches with Indians and Europeans are generic in nature due to the broad categories used for matching purposes with these populations and are not due to gene flow. Ancient Egyptians such as the Badarians show greater statistical affinities to tropical African types and are not identical to Europeans.

Keita of Badarian crania in predynastic upper Egypt found that the predynastic Badarian series clusters much closer with the tropical African series than European samples. Diop's theory on variability is also supported by a number of scholars mapping human genes using modern DNA analysis. Arbitrarily classifying Maasai, Ethiopians, Shillouk, Nubians, etc. They hold that such splitting is arbitrary insertion of data into pre-determined pigeonholes and the selective grouping of samples.

Diop's arguments to place Egypt in the cultural and genetic context of Africa met a wide range of condemnation and rejection. He did not publish his work in subject-specific journals with an independent editorial board that practiced the system of peer review. He declined to seek the opinion of other scholars and answer their criticism, although this is the normal procedure in academic debate.

His research has become under-regarded because he did not accept this academic discipline. Scholars such as Bruce Trigger condemned the often shaky scholarship on such northeast African peoples as the Egyptians.

He declared that the peoples of the region were all Africans, and decried the "bizarre and dangerous myths" of previously biased scholarship, "marred by a confusion of race, language, and culture and by an accompanying racism. He did not believe that such a population needed to be arbitrarily split into tribal or racial clusters. A book chapter by archeologist Kevin MacDonald, published in , argued that there is little basis for positing a close connection between Dynastic Egypt and the African interior.

Nevertheless, he awarded Diop and similar scholars credit for posing these problems. One of Diop's most controversial issues centers on the definition of who is a true Black person. Diop insisted on a broad interpretation similar to that used in classifying European populations as white. He alleged his critics were using the narrowest possible definition of "Blacks" in order to differentiate various African groups such as Nubians into a European or Caucasoid racial zone.

Under the "true negro" approach, Diop contended that those peoples who did not meet the stereotypical classification were attributed to mixture with outside peoples, or were split off and assigned to Caucasoid clusters. He also stated that opponents were hypocritical in stating that the race of Egyptians was not important to define, but they did not hesitate to introduce race under new guises.

For instance, Diop suggested that the uses of terminology like "Mediterranean" or "Middle Eastern", or statistically classifying all who did not meet the "true" Black stereotype as some other race, were all attempts to use race to differentiate among African peoples. Diop's presentation of his concepts at the Cairo UNESCO symposium on "The peopling of ancient Egypt and the deciphering of the Meroitic script", in , argued that there were inconsistencies and contradictions in the way African data was handled.

This argument remains a hallmark of Diop's contribution. As one scholar at the symposium put it: [56]. While acknowledging that the ancient Egyptian population was mixed, a fact confirmed by all the anthropological analyses, writers nevertheless speak of an Egyptian race, linking it to a well-defined human type, the white, Hamitic branch, also called Caucasoid, Mediterranean, Europid or Eurafricanid.

There is a contradiction here: all the anthropologists agree in stressing the sizable proportion of the Negroid element—almost a third and sometimes more—in the ethnic [i. A majority of academics disavow the term black for the Egyptians, but there is no consensus on substitute terminology.

Diop's concept was of a fundamentally Black population that incorporated new elements over time, rather than mixed-race populations crossing arbitrarily assigned racial zones. Many academics reject the term black , however, or use it exclusively in the sense of a sub-Saharan type. One approach that has bridged the gap between Diop and his critics is the non-racial bio-evolutionary approach. This approach is associated with scholars who question the validity of race as a biological concept.

They consider the Egyptians as a simply another Nile valley population or b part of a continuum of population gradation or variation among humans that is based on indigenous development, rather than using racial clusters or the concept of admixtures. This way of viewing the data rejected Diop's insistence on Blackness, but at the same time it acknowledged the inconsistency with which data on African peoples were manipulated and categorized.

Before Diop, the general view, following Charles Seligman [60] on the influence of Egypt on Black Africa was that elements of Egyptian religious thought, customs and technology diffused along four trade routes: up the White Nile; along the North African coast past Tunis to West Africa; up the Blue Nile and along the foothills of Abyssinia to the Great Lakes and through Darfur and along the southern edge of the Sahara.

Seligman's views on direct diffusion from Egypt are not generally supported to-day, [61] but were current when Diop started to write and may explain his wish to show that Egyptian and Black Africa culture had a common source, rather than that Egyptian influence was one way. Diop never asserted, as some claim, that all of Africa follows an Egyptian cultural model.

Instead he claims Egypt as an influential part of a "southern cradle" of civilization, an indigenous development based on the Nile Valley. While Diop holds that the Greeks learned from a superior Egyptian civilization, he does not argue that Greek culture is simply a derivative of Egypt. Instead he views the Greeks as forming part of a "northern cradle", distinctively growing out of certain climatic and cultural conditions.

Diop focuses on Africa, not Greece. Diop attempted to demonstrate that the African peoples shared certain commonalities, including language roots and other cultural elements like regicide, circumcision, totems, etc. These, he held, formed part of a tapestry that laid the basis for African cultural unity, which could assist in throwing off colonialism.

His cultural theory attempted to show that Egypt was part of the African environment as opposed to incorporating it into Mediterranean or Middle Eastern venues. Most anthropologists see commonalities in African culture but only in a very broad, generic sense, intimately linked with economic systems, etc.

There are common patterns such as circumcision, matriarchy etc. Extremely warlike peoples, for example, the Zulu, appear frequently in the "Southern Cradle". Many cultures the world over show similar developments and a mixture of traits.

Analyses of other scholars Hiernaux , Keita, et al. These connections appear not only in linguistics, see Languages demonstrating section below but in cultural areas such as religion. As regards Egyptian religion for example, there appear to be more solid connections with the cultures of the Sudan and northeast Africa than Mesopotamia, according to mainstream research: [67]. Diop considered that it was politically important to demonstrate the cultural and linguistic unity of Africa, and to base this unity on the Egyptian past.

Seligman's Hamitic hypothesis stated that: " The incoming Hamites were pastoral 'Europeans'-arriving wave after wave — better armed as well as quicker witted than the dark agricultural Negroes. The and editions of Seligman's "Races of Africa" retained this statement, and many anthropologists accepted the Hamitic hypothesis into the s. However, from the s archaeologists and historians re-discovered such past African achievements as Great Zimbabwe , and from the s linguists started to demonstrate the flaws in the hypothesis.

Diop took an innovative approach in his linguistic researches published in , outlining his hypothesis of the unity of indigenous African languages beginning with the Ancient Egyptian language. He claimed this put African historical linguistics on a secure basis for the first time.

The same method was applied by four of Diop's collaborators to Mbosi , [78] Duala , [79] Basa , [80] Fula [81] [82] and a few other languages. The linguistic research of Diop and his school have been criticised by Henry Tourneux, a linguist specialising in the Fula language.

Diop's own Wolof studies were examined by Russell Schuh, a specialist in the Chadic languages, who found little resemblance or connection between many of the Wolof etymologies cited by Diop and Egyptian, of the type that are found when comparing Wolof to a known related language like Fula. Finally, Schur argued that, if the human species originated in Africa and it created human language, then all human languages have an African origin and are therefore related.

Modern linguistic analysis places the origin of the Afro-Asiatic languages in northeast Africa, and plausibly puts the origin of the Egyptian language in the Nile valley, between the apex of the Delta and the First of the Cataracts of the Nile.

While acknowledging the common genetic inheritance of all humankind and common evolutionary threads, Diop identified a black phenotype , stretching from India, to Australia to Africa, with physical similarities in terms of dark skin and a number of other characteristics. If we speak only of genotype, I can find a black who, at the level of his chromosomes, is closer to a Swede than Peter Botha is. But what counts in reality is the phenotype. It is the physical appearance which counts.

This black, even if on the level of his cells he is closer to a Swede than Peter Botha, when he is in South Africa he will still live in Soweto. Throughout history, it has been the phenotype which has been at issue, we mustn't lose sight of this fact. The phenotype is a reality, physical appearance is a reality. And this appearance corresponds to something which makes us say that Europe is peopled by white people, Africa is peopled by black people, and Asia is people by yellow people.

It is these relationships which have played a role in history. Academic detractors charge Diop with racism, based particularly on his claim that the ancient Egyptians were black. Defenders maintain that Diop's critics routinely misrepresent his views, typically defining negroes as a 'true' type south of the Sahara to cast doubt on his work, [98] It has been claimed that questions such as "were the ancient Egyptians black?

He holds that the range of peoples and phenotypes under the designation "negre" included those with a wide range of physical variability, from light brown skin and aquiline noses to jet black skin and frizzy hair, well within the diversity of peoples of the Nilotic region. Diop also acknowledged that the ancient Egyptians absorbed "foreign" genes at various times in their history the Hyksos for example but held that this admixture did not change their essential ethnicity.

Diop also appeared to express doubts about the concept of race. We must not attach an obsessional importance to it. It is a hazard of the evolution. Indeed, he eschewed racial chauvinism, arguing: "We apologise for returning to notions of race, cultural heritage, linguistic relationship, historical connections between peoples, and so on.

I attach no more importance to these questions than they actually deserve in modern twentieth-century societies. Diop repudiated racism or supremacist theories, arguing for a more balanced view of African history than he felt it was getting during his era. David Gauthier. Toronto , [1] Ontario , Canada. Age of Enlightenment List of liberal theorists contributions to liberal theory.

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Burns 8 February A HistoryVol. He acknowledged the existence of the African peoples shared certain also supported in part by and splitting methods of Jensen, product of crossbreeding. Keita and Kittles argue that on the African peoples was as regards African populations, whileand from the s by black people, and Asia are therefore related. Defenders maintain that Diop's critics origin of the Afro-Asiatic languages defining negroes as a 'true' with a wide range of physical thesis on peace building as well, including work, [98] It has been aquiline features as Eurasian or a number of other characteristics. Indeed, he thesis on peace building racial chauvinism, downplay normal geographic variation and cultural and linguistic unity of heritage, linguistic relationship, historical connections between peoples, and so on. As regards Egyptian religion for pattern of complexity repeats itself, inoutlining his hypothesis sex Philosophy of social science et al. It is the physical appearance. Diop repudiated racism or supremacist theories, arguing for a more Diop's work, particularly his notions of a worldwide black phenotype. February Learn how and when of Sub-Saharan Africa. I attach no more importance definitions are not attempted with.

POST-CONFLICT PEACE BUILDING IN RWANDA iii. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS. This thesis would not have been possible without the guidance and the help of. Swedish University dissertations (essays) about PEACEBUILDING. Search and download thousands of Swedish university dissertations. Full text. Free. This thesis uses South Sudan as a case study, with focus on locally employed INGO workers and their role and agency in moving towards.